Reading Garrison’s Letters

February 8, 1827

In a letter to the Boston Courier, Garrison discusses a proposed lottery for the benefit of the Jefferson family. In a few phrases, the reader gains a view of the young Garrison relative to poor people, morality, vice. “As a friend of the poor, as a lover of morality, and an enemy to vice, I hope this bill will not pass. Whatever has a tendency to create an unnatural thirst for gain, or to excite unhallowed appetites and desires, must make men vicious and is injurious to public morals. This position alone is sufficient to determine the dangerous influence of lotteries…” ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

July 23, 1827

An insight into the young Garrison comes from his letter to the Boston Courier, He deplores that politicians are “actuated but by one sentiment, namely, a determination to triumph as a party “… They take stands in favor of commerce or manufacturers — “too often represented as rivals, but which, in fact are merely partners in business. ” … “Men are no longer to be selected for their discernment, experience, and integrity — these are qualities of minor consideration.” … “They go to Congress — eat, drink, and smoke — pay visits, and even fight duels … and nothing will be required at their hands but to drop a scrap of paper into the ballot-box” … “Does this partake of caricature? Would to God time may not prove it reality!” ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

July 9,1829

Commenting on newspaper reports of his first public speech (July 4, 1829), Garrison denies that he advocates “a union of Church and State”… “I wish to see a full ballot-box of unbought, intelligent votes, on every, the most trivial election. I wish a good moral character to be an indispensable qualification in the selection of candidates for office, from a Town Clerk to a President of the United States. I wish the “voice of the people” to mean something more than the echo of an evening caucus or a petty committee…”¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

January 21, 1832

Garrison criticizes Adams, because in his early year in Congress, he has not presented to Congress petitions from Quakers in Pennsylvania, relative to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. “The nature of my enterprise unavoidably brings me into a collision with you, as painful as it is unexpected. … Another week, perhaps, may give to the public your ‘reasons why you could give no countenance or support’ to these petitions: these reasons may be so conclusive as to establish the propriety of ten millions of freemen holding six thousand human beings in abject bondage, and to render unnecessary a second letter from my pen. ”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Sept 7, 1832

Writing to the Liberator, Garrison emphasizes the need to organize abolitonists. “It is time for the friends of bleeding humanity to make a demonstation of their strength. It is idle for them to sigh over the degradation and misery of the slaves, while they neglect to coalesce. To effect this union, agents are indispensable….. it is much easier to convince a hundred men in a large audience, than half a dozen by detail. In this manner I may be able to disarm whole communities of their antipathies, and rally them around the standard which has been lifted up in Boston…” ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Dec. 4, 1832

Garrison’s attempt to influence the Legislature is illustrated in this letter. “At the time of our annual meeting, there will be in this city at least six hundred members of the Legislature, a large portion of whom we shall probably secure as auditors: hence it is highly important that we should make a demonstration of strength and talent on that occasion.”    ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Dec. 4, 1832

Here is an illustration of Garrison’s early connection with abolitionists in England.  “Our coadjutors in England are fighting most manfully, with spiritual weapons against sin and cruelty. I have just received from them a large bundle of anti-slavery pamphlets, tracts, circulars … The British abolitionits waste no ammunition  –  every shot tells — they write in earnest — they call, as did old John Knox,  fig a fig, and a spade a spade…”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Dec. 10, 1832

Garrison refers to a letter from the ”distinguished Friend in Liverpool, James Cropper, in which he denounces the Colonization Society as a ‘diabolical scheme to perpetuate slavery’”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

May 23, 1833

Garrison writes to the Liberator, from Liverpool, in reference to the Emancipation Bill. “There is a report that it has passed to a third reading, one feature of which is the unconditional emancipation of all children who may hereafter be born of slave parents, and also of those who are now under six years of age.  This is an approximation to justice, but it will not suffice. … Be sure to apprise me early, and minutely, of all the anti-slavery and pro-slavery movements in the United States … Starve not your epithets against slavery, through fear or parsimony: let them be heavy, robust and powerful.  It is a wast of politeness to be courteous to the devil; and to think of beating down his strongholds with straws is sheer insanity.  The language of reform is always severe…” ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

May 24, 1833

Writing from Liverpool, Garrison comments on the debate about abolitionists regard the question of compensation to the planters.  “My indignation kindles at such a base proposition — I will not listen to it for a moment. For those who have been, for a long course of years, whipping, starving, plundering, brutalizing and trafficking their own species, to come forward and demand a handsome remueration if they cease from these atrocious practices, argues a hardihood of mind unsurpassed in the annals of villany… ” ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

May 24, 1833

“Petitions are crowding into Parliament by thousands from every part of the United Kingdom, praying for the abolition of slavery — Lord Suffield alone presented 201 on Tuesday in the House of Lords — one of ‘which was of amazing size, which, closely packed as it was, seemed to rival the woolsack itself in its dimensions.’  It was signed by EIGHT HUNDRED THOUSAND ladies !!!  Its presentation excited considerable sensation and some merriment … In the House of Commons, Mr. Buxton presented 300 petitions, among them one containing 187,000 female signatures, which required four members to lay it on the table…”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

June 4, 1833

While in England, Garrison sends this challenge to Elliott Cresson, American agent of the American Colonization Society, who is raising support in England.  The challenge includes seven statements which Garrison believes summarize his criticism of the ACS.  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

June 20, 1833

Garrison writes to the Board of Managers of the New England Anti-Slavery Society, commenting on attempts in the Parliament to include in the Emancipation Bill a period of “apprenticeship”, which would effectively delay emancipation.  “It is generally believed that the plan of apprenticeship (which gives great offence) will not work a single year; indeed, many of the West Indians themselves declare, that there must be complete and instantaneous freedom given both to the masters and the slaves…”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

June 20, 1833

“I have seen Mr. Wilberforce.  He has repudiated his views of the Colonization Society, and regards its principles and purposes with disapprobation.  This fact you may publish to the country.”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

July 13, 1833

Garrison writes to the Duke of Sussex, son of King George, who is sponsoring Cresson in his tour in England on behalf of Colonization.  Garrison’s effort is to undermine that sponsorship.  In following letters Garrison writes to London papers, in criticism of Colonization.   Letters go to the London Patriot, and the London Christian Advocate.  ¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

August 17, 1833

“If there be any Settlement, at the present time, which is peculiarly interesting in its origin and progress, or in its relation to Slavery in the United States … it is the Wilberforce Colony in Upper Canada — it is the little band of sufferers who constitute its population, of whom you are the faithful and worthy representative…”  ¹

Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

October 11, 1833

“My interviews with Wilberforce and Clarkson were full of interest and satisfaction. … In another column (in the Liberator)  will be found the signature of the former, appended to a strong and unequivocal ‘Protest’ against the Colonization Society, in which it is declared ‘that the professions made by the Society of promoting the abolition of slavery are altogether delusive’  — that ‘to the destruction of slavery throughout the world, the Society is believed to be an ostruction’ — and that the Society is ‘not deserving of the countenance of the British public.’    Clarkson’s name is not affixed to the ‘Protest’, not because, having many months since resolved that he would henceforth occupy neutral ground, he thought a departure from the course he had marked out would be a just impeachment of his integrity.”   ¹

Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

March 22, 1834

Garrison writes to  Vashon, black abolitionist leader in Pittsburgh.  He comments on the recent action in Parliament.  “It is delightful to hear that the British Colonies are giving complete freedom to their slaves.  Now we shall see whether the emancipated will destroy their masters, or do any acts of violence, in return for their enfranchisement.  Only give the slaveholders guineas enough for their victims, and they are perfectly willing to risk being slaughtered, or robbed of their goods.  “   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

May 20, 1834

Writing to Robert Purvis, apologizes that he has not sent to him “half as many letters to my dear friends in England, as I contemplated when I saw you, but I dare not delay any longer.”  Then Garrison lists the names of people in England to whom he sends letters of introduction for Purvis to deliver.  The names include James Ryley and Dr. Hancock, in Liverpool; Joseph Sturge, Birmingham; Arthur West, Bath; Elizabeth and Mary Dudley; Peckham, London; William Allen, Richard Barrett, Joseph Phillips, Danl. O’Connell, Dr. Lushington, Geroge Stephen, Joseph and Emmanuel Cooper, John Scoble, and others.  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

June 19, 1834

In a letter to the Boston Courier, Garrison notes an article which he deems “worthy of animadversion”.  The article is about someone who claims that the idea of remuneration to slave owners who liberate their slaves, is popular among members of the Anti-Slavery cause.   Garrison says this “is wholly erroneous.  I repel it as an aspersion.”   His animadversion  continues at some length in this response.   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

December 18, 1834

In a letter addressed to “the Colored Inhabitants of Boston”, Garrison writes against advertisements he had seen which urged them to “rally on the side of the Whigs”.  He notes that prior to the election “fully attended meetings” among colored voters passed resolutions in favor of Whigs.  He is confident that when they voted for Whigs, their motives were better than those actuated by white Whig supporters.  “..you meant to act wisely for yourselves, and indirectly at least, to advance that sacred cause which we deem to be paramount to all others … I think you committed an error — I think you were misled, unintentionally, by those who you have every reason to believe are truly your well-wishers…”   He then indicates that he voted for Amasa Walker “on the ground of humanity, justice, benevolence and religion; and I think, as you valued your welfare, he ought to have received your votes…”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

Jan 31, 1835

“I have not the honor to be personally acquainted with you; but, in despite of your silence on the subject of slavery, and your advocacy of the Colonization Society, I have for many years entertained an exalted opinion of your character as a philanthropist and a christian.”  Then Garrison goes on to tell Smith that he has, unwittingly, “done immense injury to the colored population” by his support of colonization.  This remonstrance continues through several following letters.   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

Feb 7, 1835

In this letter to Smith, Garrison utilizes a favored method of placing in two parallel columns words of the person addressed, pointing out what Garrison believes to be glaring inconsistencies.  Here the columns are titled,  “Gerrit Smith vs. Gerrit Smith,  Hard Language vs. Soft and Hard Language”.   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

Sept 5, 1835

Garrison writes to Otis, responding with a strong attack against him for his Faneuil Hall speech.   He includes a mock gravestone for Otis’s grave, including in part:  “Reader, weep at human inconsistency and frailty!  The last public act of his life, A life conspicuous for many honorable traits,Was an earnest defence of THE RIGHTS OF TYRANTS AND SLAVE-MONGERS to hold in bondage, as their property, The bodies and souls of millions of his own countrymen!  This was made in ‘THE OLD CRADLE OF LIBERTY’ ….He has gone to the judgment set of Christ! ”    ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

Jan. 30, 1836

Garrison writes to the President of the Anti-Slavery Convention to be held in Providence, in February.  He congratulates the people of Rhode Island, (and comments that Connecticut is the only New England state presently where there is no such Society), but notes the existence of other state societies.  He mentions Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, New York, Ohio, Kentucky.  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

March 7,  1836

In a letter to Helen, still in Connecticut, he tells her that George Thompson has arrived back in England.  “His letter is principally occupied with sharp criticisms upon Dr. Channing’s book, which he seems to regard pretty much as I regard it — that is, a mixture of good and evil, light and darkness, energy and weakness.”  He indicates that he has met twice with Harriet Martineau. “She is plain and frank in her manners, and not less so in her conversation.  I can assure you, that we abolitionists need not fear that she will ever print any thing, either in this country or in England, inimical to us, or in favor of the Colonization Society.  She is now abiding under the roof of Dr. Channing, and no doubt will do him much good.”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 
 

April 10, 1836

Garrison writes about Martin Van Buren.  “Political abolitionists are now placed in an awkward predicament.  What an outrageous letter Martin Van Buren has written to certain political rascals in North Carolina, respecting slavery in the District of Columbia!  No consistent abolitionist can now vote for him.  It seems that our alternative must now be between Webster or Harrison. I should prefer the former…”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

April 18, 1836

“Unless the most strenuous exertions are instantly made by the people of the free States, another slaveholding State will be added to the Union…. Already the Senate of the United States, with only six dissenting votes, has voted to admit Arkansas as a slaveholding State!…Our only hope of effectual resistance lies in the House of Representatives .. Rouse up the inhabitants of your town — circulate petitions — call a public meeting, if practicable — send exploratory letters to northern members in Congress … stir for the bleeding slave, the honor and salvation of our country, and the approbation of Heaven!  Immediate is the watchword. ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

July 5,  1836

“Yesterday, (for the sixtieth time!) the people of this vain and vaunting country perjured themselves afresh, in the presence of the world, by calling God to witness that they are a free people, that they abhor tyranny, and that they hold it to be a self-evident truth, that all men are created equal, and possess an inalienable right to liberty. O, the solemn farce, the comic tragedy! What a mingling of spurious patriotism and brazen hypocrisy, of glaring falsehood and open blasphemy! What ringing of bells, what waving of banners, what thundering of cannon, what blazing of bonfires, what long processions, what loud huzzas, what swaggering speeches, what sumptuous dinners, what alcoholic toasts, what drunken revels!  All in grateful and honorable observance of the Fourth of July!  A free country — and every sixth man on the soil a slave!”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

Nov. 4, 1836

In a letter of this date, Garrison refers to a Board meeting action, and lists people who will, each assume the duty of securing signatures to the petitions.  Garrison is assigned to work in Ward ll.   “If we get one thousand names altogether, we shall do pretty well.”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 
 

Jan 12, 1837

Writing to Caleb Cushing, former Congressman from Massachusetts, he thanks him for helping to file petitions relative to the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and also indicates that he is sending him another petition from the town of Attleborough, obtained chiefly by the Charles Sumner.   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

Feb. 21, 1837

Here Garrison refers to a hearing to be held at the State House, in which abolitionists will protest against a resolution of Congress to lay on the table their petitions “unread and unreferred”.   He will not speak because he has not time to prepare, and cannot do so without preparation.  He names some who will speak at the hearing.  The hearing will also provide an opportunity to say why the Legislature should itself call for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

April 11, 1837

At a Quarterly Meeting of the MASS, held in Lynn, Wendell Phillips makes his first antislavery speech, and offers a resolution which is voted by the meeting. and sent to Garrison.  “Resolved, that the exertions of John Quincy Adams, and the rest of the Massachusetts delegation who sustained him in his defence of the citizens’ right of petition, deserve the deepest gratitude and the warmest admiration of every American.”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

June 6, 1837

Here Garrison suggests an urgent agenda item to those who are preparing for an annual meeting of the New Hampshire Anti-Slavery Society.   “… never have I regarded the anti-slavery cause to be in such peril — never have I had so little hope of the peaceful overthrow of slavery in our midst — never have I regarded the existence of this nation in so much jeopardy, as at the present time. There is every probabilty that we are speedily to be involved in a war with Mexico, ostensibly to redress injuries, but really to extend slavery and the slave trade…. But the crowning calamity which threatens us, is the annexation of Texas to our Union, at the session of Congress in September.  Should this awful event happen, I do not see any hope for the slaves of the south — for the freemen of the North — or for our guilty, though still beloved country….”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 
 

June 14, 1837

“There was a tremendous riot in this city on Sunday afternoon last — exceeding in violence any that has ever gone before it. It took place between the Irish and some engine companies — the latter being chiefly to blame.  Many of the former got most dreadfully bruised — their houses were sacked, and the most dastardly outrages perpetrated upon their property — yet they were the only individuals arrested as offenders, and dragged off to jail. The spirit felt toward the poor Irish is almost as ferocious as toward the colored race.   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

Aug 16, 1837

In a letter to delegates about to assemble in a Young Men’s Anti-Slavery Convention, in New Hampshire:  “Young men of New-Hampshire! Remember the guilt of your country!  For two hundred years her soil has been stained with human blood — blood warm and fresh, — the blood of innocence!  She is now engaged in completing the extinction of the red men of the forest, once the occupants and owners of her soil, once multitudinous and powerful!…”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

Nov 6, 1837

In his letter to Elizabeth Pease:  “As in England, so in this country — the women have done and are doing more for the extirpation of slavery than the other sex.  In their petitions to Congress the outnumber us at least three , perhaps five to one.  At the recent session of that body, a million of names were sent in, in the course of a month, remonstrating against the annexation of Texas to the United States.  Of that immense number, a very large proportion were females.”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 
 

Dec. 23, 1838

Writing to Mary Benson, Garrison urges her attendance at the coming State Anti-Slavery Society annual meeting.  “I anticipate an animated, almost a stormy scene.  Facts are daily coming to my ears, which show that the spirit of sectarianism is busy at its old game of division — working in darkness, and secretly endeavoring to transfer our sacred cause to other hands. The leaders in this work of mischief are clerical abolitionists. … I understand the plan is, to rally at our annual meeting, elect a different board of managers, start a new anti-slavery paper, to be the organ of the Society   ….The ‘woman question’ is also to be met and settled so as to suit the priesthood, or the probability is, there will be a division. Here, then, are materials for an exciting anniversary….”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Feb. 8, 1839

“There are two parties in this country, who are equally puzzled to reconcile your abhorrence of slavery, with your determination not to vote for its abolition in the District of Columbia — the slaveholders of the South, and the abolitionists of the North.  In your theory of human rights, the former understand that you agree in principle with those, who, by the help of God, are resolved upon subverting a foul and bloody system.  In your unwillingness to carry that theory into practice, the latter perceive that you are acting in concert with all that is despotic and inhuman in the land.   You are claimed and rejected by  both, at the same moment.  If you would abandon your theory, the slaveholders would cease to be alarmed; and by giving it a practical application, you would insure for yourself the entire confidence of the abolitionists.  Resolving to do neither, you serve but to awaken suspicion on the one hand, and to give annoyance on the other.”  

 Continuing, to Adams, Garrison urges his adoption of an immediatist position.  “That you can suffer yourself, in the year 1839, to be deluded into the belief, that the gradual emancipation of our slaves is compatible with the claims of humanity, and the dictates of reason,  is matter of grief and surprise.”    ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

June 4, 1839

Wendell Phillips is to go to England “as the representative of the abolitionists of Massachusetts and of New England.”  Garrison writes well wishes to him.  He provides some facts in regard to progress in the struggle here, to “encourage our abolition brethren abroad”.   Some of those are quoted here:

     “In 1829, not an anti-slavery society, of a genuine stamp, was in existence.  In 1839  there are nearly two thousand societies, swarming and multiplying in all parts of the free States.  In 1829, there was but one anti-slavery periodical in the land. Now there are not less than fourteen.  In 1829, scarcely a newspaper, of any religious sect or political party, was willing to disturb the ‘delicate’ question of slavery.  In 1839, there are multitudes of journals that either openly advocate the doctrine of immediate emancipation, or permit its free discussion in their columns.  In 1829, scarcely one tract or pamphlet, in opposition to slavery, could be readily found. In 1839, it is impossible to circulate the whole number ….In 1829, not an anti-slavery agent was in the field; now there are scores …  In 1829, scarcely one, if any petition, was sent to Congress, … now in one day, a single member of the House of Representatives, (John Quincy Adams),  has presented one hundred and seventy-six in detail… In 1829, where ten slaves escaped from their prison-house, now a hundred find their way to the north, and are safely landed in Canada…”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI
 

July 17, 1839

Writing to “the Abolitionists of Massachusetts”,  Garrison responds to the recent creation of a second Society in the state.   “Of the causes which had led to this unhappy state of things, we shall speak hereafter.  According to the spirit of our anti-slavery league, and the arrangements which have been mutually agreed upon between the parent, state, and local societies, the formation of a new State Society in any State where one is already in existence, is a virtual declaration of war upon the whole anti-slavery organization.  It is a precedent, which, if widely imitated, would turn the weapons of abolitionists against each other instead of the common enemy…” 

   Then in a comment on policies by which certain views become “ obligatory upon all its members” such a society ”violates the spirit of its own constitution; or, if not, then it is not true that it welcomes to its aid all men, of whatever creed or party, and hence does not stand upon a ’broad ground of a common humanity’.  This distinction between the liberty of an individual, and of an associaton composed of many elements, is important, and essential as much to the harmony of the whole body as it is to personal free agency … 

   In what is a comment on the recent “Clerical Appeal”, Garrison writes:  “Neither the management of the anti-slavery cause, nor that cause itself, belongs to any professional body.  If the new society is not schismatical — it is commends itself to the good sense and sober judgment of abolitionists — if it stands upon the old platform — if it is not a sectarian and professional affair in its spirit — how does it happen that all its prominent advocates are of the clerical order?”

    In regard to the charge at the State Society “repudiates of looks coldly upon political action”, he refutes the charge as “utterly groundless”.  He argues that no member should be morally bound to vote…  “It is certainly true, that the Anti-Slavery Society has always contemplated the use of POLITICAL as well as MORAL action for the abolition of slavery, because the moral and political action of the nation is enlisted in support of that dreadful system… “it enjoined upon them the duty of carrying their abolition principles to the ballot-box, instead of allowing themselves to be made the tools of party and the instruments of oppression.”

    Garrison comments also on the constitution of the new body which speak of “GENTLEMEN” as delegates, negating, he believes, participation by women.  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Aug   5, 1839

Writing to Oliver Johnson, Garrison reports on the National Convention of Abolitionists, called by the AASS.    “A few individuals in the Convention argued in favor of organizing a distinct political party; but, I am happy to say, the suggestion met with no respoonse whatever from the great body of members present. … So long as the abolitionists refuse to step into the political arena, as a distinct party, so long their cause will prosper, their integrity be revered, and their influence over all other contending parties be irresistible.”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Feb. 28, 1840

Writing to the “Abolitionists of the United States”, Garrison comments again on some of the issues “calculated to divide our ranks”. 

    One of the issues involves an attempt to make it obligatory upon members to “participate directly in the politics of the country, by using the elective franchise. … such a test, it is obvious, is contrary to the genius and scope of abolitionism, and would exclude from our platform some of the earliest and most efficient friends of our cause…” 

   Another issue ” comes in the form of a proposition to organize a distinct political party…”  By his own comments, and quotes from abolitionist sources, Garrison contends against this effort.   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

March 27, 1840

Garrison continues to argue against any membership standard which insists that an abolitionist must vote.  He insists that the only obligation upon an abolitionist is to do only what supports abolition and which avoids action which supports “a friend of the slave”.  The decision about how/when to use or not use the voting franchise is up to each individual abolitionist.   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

April 14, 1840

Writing to “Abolitionists of the United States”, Garrison warns that, at the upcoming annual meeting, there will be an attempt “to excite division among us”, and, if those attempts fail, there will be an attempt to “disband our forces … Be not deceived by any of their expedients.  They will endeavor –…”  Then he lists ten policies which will be brought before the group, and which he regards as divisive.   ” We call upon you, brethren, to frown indignantly upon each and every attempt thus to dissolve our noble organization …  put down all machinations for the dissolution of an organization, which is the terror of the oppressor and bigot alike, and upon the existence of which depends, under God, in all probability, the peaceful abolition of slavery in the Republic.”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

June 29, 1840

From London, Garrison writes to Helen, with news of the Convention.  He indicates that, by the time of his late arrival, the Convention had voted not at admit the women delegates from the United States.  He recounts the attempt of Wendell Phillips to move the question during the Convention,  his disappointment with George Thompson’s weak response, and tells of the decision which he, Remond, Rogers, and Wm Adams  made, refusing to take seats in the Convention.   “I am quite certain, from all that has transpired, that, had we arrived a few days before the opening of the Convention, we could have carried out our point triumphantly.  As it is, we have not visited this country in vain.  The ‘woman question’ has been fairly started, and will be canvassed from the Land’s End to John O’Groat’s house.  Already, many excellent and noble minds are highly displeased at the decision of the Convention, and denounce it strongly…”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

August 3, 1840

From Liverpool, Garrison writes to Joseph Pease,   In commenting on the status of the abolition movement, he contends  “That if England would supply herself with free trade cotton from some other part of the world, to the exclusion of all slave grown cotton, it is quite certain that, within seven years, American slavery would be peaceably abolished, from absolute necessity, as well as from the moral change which will by that time have been wrought in the free States of America…. it now seems to be placed beyond all doubt, that cotton can be grown by free labor at a much less expense, and in far greater abundance, in British India, than it is now done by slave labor in the United States; hence, that England, as a matter of self-interest, as well as on the score of humanity, should without delay redress the wrongs of India, give protection and encouragement to its oppressed and suffering population, and thus obtain a  cheap, permanent and abundant supply of free cotton from her own vast and fertile possessions in the East…”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

March 18, 1842

Here Garrison expresses confidence that the great number of Irish fellow-citizens in the United States will support abolition.   “Until I am compelled to believe otherwise by evidence which it would be folly to dispute, I shall cling to the opinion that the great body of our Irish fellow-citizens mean to be found on the side of the oppressed (for is not Ireland oppressed? ) the world over.  But it must be remembered that they are liable to be led astray by unprincipled politicians, by time-serving leaders, and by designing priests.  We must be more active to disseminate light and truth among them, and to let them have a copy of the Address, every man for himself. They have come to this fair land to escape from the chains of British byranny; and now, will they, dare they, in their turn become the worst of oppressors, by helping to prop up the diabolical system of American slavery?  Such apostasy is not to be tolerated as possible, even in imagination, for one moment.  Let no Irishman claim to be a friend of O’Connell or of Ireland who is not an abolitionist.  If such there be, Ireland and O’Connell will indignantly disown him. …”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

March 22, 1842

Garrison responds to news that slaveholders are sending money to Ireland to support the struggle against Britain, and thus Irish here may be obliged to support slaveholders.  “How marvelously Providence works!  The Irish Address, I trust is to be the means of breaking up a stupendous conspiracy, which I believe is going on between the leading Irish demagogues, the leading pseudo democrats, and the southern slaveholders.  Mark three things.  First, the Irish population among us is nearly all ‘democratic’.  Second — The democratic party is openly and avowedly the defender and upholder of the ‘peculiar institution’ of slavery.   Third — The cry in favor of Irish Repeal is now raised against the anti-slavery enterprise!   Also, if possible, by sending over donations to Ireland, to stop O’Connell’s mouth on the subject of slavery, and to prevent any more ‘interference’ on that point, from that side of the Atlantic!  Hence, I observe, at the Repeal meetings in various parts of the country, resolutions and declarations which amount to sacred pledges, that those ‘repealers’ will stand by southern institutions, at all hazards!  Now, by the Address, which will cause every toad to start up into a devil as soon as he is touched, we shall be able to probe this matter to the bottom.  If O’Connell and our friends in Ireland remain true to us, and renew their spirited attacks upon American slavery, …then it will put down at the South this pretended sympathy for Ireland, and be the means of advancing our movement more rapidly. “   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

March 1, 1843

“The subject of capital punishment, within a few months past. has been widely discussed in the land, and is fast increasing in public interest. ”   Garrison makes clear his position in opposition.

“… the intermarriage law has passed through both houses of our Legislature, and only needs the Governor’s signature (which will undoubtedly be affixed to it) to be complete.  Thus has another tremendous blow been given to the monster prejudice. We have not been equally successful in regard to the rail-road question and shall therefore ‘try again’.  Never were the aspects of the anti-slavery cause so auspicious as at the present time.  In this Commonwealth abolitionism is now scarcely able to find one public opponent.  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

April 4, 1843

Writing to Elizabeth Pease, he wonders if she will attend the London Anti-Slavery Convention.  If women are not admitted as delegates, he reminds her that the gallery is a good place from which to observe !   “Can any thing be more contemptible than this exclusive spirit toward women?  ..A woman now sits on the throne of England. I am not aware that such a position is deemed incompatible with her sex…”

On capital punishment:  “Petitions have recently been presented to the Legislature of Massachusetts, praying for the abolition of capital punishment; and, in case this prayer should not be granted, requesting that such clergymen as advocate judicial homicide should be appointed hangmen!  This has caused much fluttering among the clergy and their friends, who affect to regard these petitions as most insulting to their cloth, and as an outrage on thier holy profession.  … why should they object “to inflicting the penalty  by their own hands?…”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

July 6, 1843

 Here is an account, written to Edmund Quincy, of an attempt to hold a fourth of July meeting in the Town Hall, “in defence of our enslaved countrymen”.  The Town Hall was closed to the meeting, and the meeting was held opposite the Hall, “under the protecting shadows of two umbrageous trees”.   “So much for our first reception in Northampton.” A much longer account is in the July 14 letter sent to the Liberator.   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

July 14, 1843

This longer account of the rejection at Northampton, to the Liberator, tells of a speaker who rose at the meeting, critical of Garrison.  He claims that Garrison cannot tell how to abolish slavery. The speaker abhorred slavery too, but it was supported by the Constitution, and could not be ended until the Constitution was amended.  Since Garrison was opposed to political action,  Garrison was unable to say how slavery should be abolished!  Garrison, in response, claims to have answered the criticism to the satisfaction of most in the audience.   The article then includes comments on the Northampton papers. “There are three newspapers here — two whig, and one democratic.  The Courier and Gazette (both whig) took no notice of the meeting — whether from motives of policy,or in the spirit of contempt, I do not know… their silence in regard to a meeting held under such peculiar circumstances, in so public a manner, and with such a noble object in view, is certainly not creditable to their humanity or courtesy… In the Democrat appeared an editorial sketch of the meeting, which was chiefly confined to a personal attack upon myself, and to a broad caricature of what was said of the lowest black-guardism… ”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Dec. 8, 1843

Here Garrison recalls his good experiences with O’Connell, and the importance of O’Connell  being clear as an abolitionist.  “But I have regretted to perceive in you, within a few months past, for reasons which, to me, are perfectly inexplicable, a disposition to travel widely and frequently out of your path, to attack me personally in the most contemptuous manner… You have seized the most extraordinary occasions to hold me up to derision and odiuim in Ireland — by stigmatizing me, while denouncing American slavery, as a ‘maniac in religion’, and referring to me as ‘a man called Lloyd Garrison,’ whose company as an abolitionist you rejected, and also that of all his anti-slavery associates!..”    He asks why O’Connell has “attempted to stain my religious character, and to cripple my labors in the abolition of slavery, by pointing a finger of reproach at me as a heretic? … Surely, I do not err,  when I hazard the assertion, that you have not been self-moved in this matter!”  Garrison goes on to claim that if he had spoken against the cause of Irish Repeal, then, criticism of him would have been justified, or if he had abandoned the anti-slavery cause, such rejection by O’Connell would “have been to the point”…”I think you have erred in attacking me as you have done in so gratuitous and offensive a manner.  Am I not right in this view of the case? … Hoping you will mightily foil all the machinations of your wily enemies, and be triumphant in your peaceful efforts for Repeal, and wishing a long life for yourself, and freedom and prosperity for oppressed and suffering Ireland, I remain, Yours, in every conflict for the right.”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Jan 8, 1844

To the Liberator,  “Morally speaking, I am more and more convinced, by inquiry and observation, that the Liberty Party, as such, in New England, is utterly unprincipled, and the most insidious, and therefore the most dangerous foe with which genuine anti-slavery has to contend. … its leaders are not trustworthy, and that a large majority of it supporters are making use of it as substitute for moral action, and as  a foil to ward off the blows which are aimed at a pro-slavery church and priesthood… If they must vote, they can testify against all these parties by scattering their votes on those in whom they can confide.  But I think duty requires them, as abolitionists, not to vote at all, but to ‘let the dead bury their dead’, to refuse to sustain the present Constitution of the United States, and to demand, in the name of God and humanity, a dissolution of our blood-cemented, atheistical Union. “  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Oct 1, 1844

Responding to Gerrit Smith and John Greenleaf Whittier, and  their assertions that the Constitution is an antislavery document:   “Even Gerrit Smith has stultified himself so far as to have written a long letter to John G. Whittier, maintaining the same absurd doctrine.  Nay, he has gone so far as to eulogize those diabolical provisions respecting the prosecution of slave trade for twenty years — the putting down of slave insurrections by the government — the three-fifths representation of the slaves through their masters –as decidedly anti-slavery in their character and tendency! He is now completely absorbed in electioneering in behalf of James G. Birney and the Liberty party…  Still, I mean to let charity and patience have their perfect work in regard to him; for, after all, he seems to be a noble-hearted and benevolent man, but his head is often sadly at fault…   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Mar. 14, 1845

“… I shall tell you what I think of your political character, in plain language and with great brevity.  You are one of those political demagogues, who are more injurious to a nation than pestilence or famine; whose selfishness is the only god whom they recognize or adore; whose ambition must be gratified, at whatever sacrifice of moral principle, and though hecatombs of innocent victims perish to effect its object.  You profess to be a democrat — Then is Satan, when disguised as an angel of light, no devil!    ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

March 1, 1847

“The  horrid particulars of the famine in Ireland have made a wide and profound sensation in this country.  Contributions are pouring in from every quarter and the amount of food, money and clothing that will be contributed, will be very considerable; yet not a fiftieth part that ought to be done.  But we must recollect that the idea human brotherhood is as yet but very imperfectly developed in the world, and that, hitherto, each nation has left other nations to take care of themselves, without being specially concerned for their welfare…”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

March 1, 1847

“We are making decided progress in our Disunion movement.  Our Legislature, now in session, has before it many petitions, numerously signed by legal voters, asking that body to take measures for the peaceable secession of Massachusetts from the Union.  We are surprised to find how many are prepared for this measure.”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

June 15, 1847

Writing to Heman Humphrey, retired President of Amherst College, who has been “in Boston and its vicinity, lecturing in various pulpits in behalf of a scheme of expatriation, which, in view of its origin, design, principles, measures, and tendencies, stands without a rival on the score of hypocrisy, villany, and impiety.” …. He warns Humphrey that the  idea is mostly dead, and that his speeches “can do nothing more than to give to the dead carcass spasmodic action…”   Garrison then notes his own much-quoted denunciations of colonization.     ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

July 1, 1847

Acknowledging the death of O’Connell, Garrison writes to Richard Webb.   “Well, O’Connell has left his wide field of popular agitation, and removed to a new and mysterious sphere of existence.  Though he had many faults and failings, (Heaven be merciful to us all!) I honor his memory, and regard him with feelings of gratitude and respect.  His death, at such a time, in the awful state into which his suffering country is plunged, is truly affecting.  Of course, the Repeal movement may be regarded a virtually at an end, I suppose.”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

July 30, 1847

Garrison thanks the Lorings for paying a tax which had been exacted from him at the Custom House, on account of a tea service which had been presented to him in Scotland, and which he brought back into the country.   “Next to a fort, arsenal, naval vessel, and military array, I hate a Custom House — not because of the tax it imposed on the friendly Scottish gift, but as a matter of principle.  I go for free trade and free inter-communication the world over, and deny the right of any body of men to erect geographical or national barriers in opposition to these natural, essential and sacred rights.  Every government must be regarded as a tyranny, and unworthy of approbation, that erects or maintains such barriers.  It also is controlled by a very short-sighted policy. — But this is not the place for a treatise on political economy.”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Mar. 16, 1849

“You say that ‘a vast majority of the people of the United States deplore the necessity of the continuance of slavery in the United States’.  This assertion is not true; a ‘vast majority of the people’ really care nothing about it; they are agreed  in nothing so well as in despising and proscribing the colored race, whether bond or free.  Besides, if the immediate abolition of slavery would prove disastrous, then why should its continuance be deplored?  To deplore that which is essential to good order, the public safety, and the welfare of all classes, pro tempore,  is not to talk sensibly.  Sir, slavery is ‘the sum of all villanies’ — it is pollution, concubinage, adultery — it is theft, robbery, kidnapping — it is ignorance, degradation, and woe — it is suffering, cruelty, and horrid injustice — it is the exaltation of master above all that is called God — it smites the most fertile soil with barrenness, and depraves the manners and morals of all who are infected by it!  This you know; and yet you dare to affirm that its continuance is a matter of necessity!  Ah! this is ever ‘the tyrant’s plea’, and  you are a tyrant…”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Jan. 13, 1850

Writing to Samuel J. May:  “There must be no union with slaveholders, religiously or politically.  It seems to me impossible to utter a plainer proposition.  On the part of the South, the condition of union has been, and is, that we of the North shall give absolute protection and encouragement to the slave system; to this hour, that condition has been complied with; a refusal to comply with it dissolves the union inevitably and necessarily.  The time has come to preach disunion on the highest moral and religious grounds.  The Constitution of the United States is ‘a covenant with death and an agreement with hell’.  … It remains to be see  how the people of the North will meet this issue… “   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

February, 1852

Kossuth, leader of a Hungarian revolution, has been in the United States, invited by the Congress.  He has spoken in many places, but never mentioned slavery.  Garrison writes extensively of his disappointment.  Here is an excerpt from a letter to Kossuth:  “Less than a month has elapsed since your arrival; but, during that brief period, you have made more addresses, and received more delegations, — representing various professions, societies, and corporations, — than any other man living.  Your addresses have been characterized by astonishing versatility and copiousness, as well as charged with the electric flame of an oriental eloquence; you have discussed a wide range of topics; you have marked out your own course, and been left unembarrassed by any distinct presentations of a mooted question; you have shown yourself no stranger to the history, growth and power of this nation; and you seem to have found among us, as a people, every thing to admire and extol, in strains of loftiest panegyric.  But there is one topic that you have shunned, as though to name it would be a crime, — and that is, SLAVERY!  There is one stain on our national escutcheon that your vision has failed to detect, — and that is, the blood of the almost exterminated Indian tribes, and of millions of the descendants of Africa! ..”     ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

June 17, 1852

To son George:  “Today is the anniversary of he Bunker Hill battle.  From our house, (far as we are off,) I can see the flags waving from the Monument in Charlestown, in honor of that event, notwithstanding the shocking fact that we have more than three million of chattel slaves in this boasted land of freedom, and are more eager to extend and support the slave system than all the interest of freedom put together!  As a nation we are the vilest of hypocrites, as well as the worst of oprressors….”    ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

March 22, 1855

“Please do not forget that the final hearing before the Committee on Capital Punishment will be had this afternoon, (probably at 3 o’clock,) in the Hall of the House of Representatives.  Pray, be ‘in at the death,’ if you can.  Yours, to hang the gallows. “  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Nov. 12,1855

Garrison writes to a committee of people who have scheduled a series of  lectures on slavery, to be given at Tremont Temple; he has been invited to speak, but because there are several lectures scheduled by defenders of slavery, he declines.  Garrison notes the names of some of the speakers, and variously characterizes them as “lawless ruffian”, “leader of bandits”, “desperate demagogue”, “unmitigated blackguard”, “shameless bully”, “monster in human form”.  “All these stand committed before the world as the most malignant enemies of the anti-slavery cause, the most bitter contemners of the North, most ferocious defenders of the accursed slave system to the end of time.”   While he often includes in the Liberator the words of defenders of slavery, this step taken by the committee, “is but one step from the sublime to the ridiculous”… “What is particularly surprising is, that you should have selected from among the slaveholders, and defenders of slavery, the most insolent, depraved, and desperate of them all…”  Garrison concludes his letter:  “..believing you have acted from the best motives, though unwisely … the most effective lecture I can deliver is to record this frank and honest testimony, I remain, gentlemen Yours, for no union with slaveholders..”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

July 8, 1857

“If the Republican party told the truth, last November, the Presidential election transferred the balance of power,  more than ever, to the side of slavery.  It has four years of corruption, conquest and annexation before it, and it remains to be proved that any merely political combination can defeat it. On the other hand, the attitude of the Republican leaders is now, as always, one of timidity and compromise …”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

March 5, 1858

This is a petition to the Joint Special Committee of the Legislature,  asking for the removal of Loring as Judge of Probate for Suffolk County.   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Nov. 1, 1859

“What Capt. Brown expected to accomplish with only a score of abettors is to me, up to this hour, quite enigmatical.  Upon the face of it, his raid into Virginia looks utterly lacking in common sense  — a desperate self-sacrifice for the purpose of giving an earthquake shock to the slave system, and thus hastening the day for a universal catastrophe.  But, whatever may have been his errors of judgement or calculation, his bearing since his capture and during his trial has been truly sublime, and challenges for him all of human sympathy and respect.  O course, he will be hung, and quite as speedily as decency will allow.  In Boston  we have thought it would be a master-stroke of policy to urge  the day of his execution as the day for  a general public expression of sentiment with reference to the guilt and danger of slavery… “  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

March 20, 1861

Writing to the author of a book about animal rights:  “My heart actually leaped within me as I read the expressive title, “The Rights of Animals”!  In appreciation, he writes specifically about some of the ideas of the author, John S. Rarey, and signs his letter, “Yours, for the recognition of ‘the rights of man’ and ‘the rights of animals’”.   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

May 13, 1861

Here Garrison responds to three black leaders of Boston, who have asked for his views respecting the desirability of emigration to Haiti.  In his letter, Garrison recognizes that the results of emigration may in some cases be good, but maintains his long-standing anti-colonization position.    “If you desire to know whether, as a general rule, I would advise colored persons to emigrate to Hayti, even on the generous terms proposed by its government, my reply is, decidedly, no. … One unavoidable evil attending it is to unsettle the minds of the colored people themselves, in regard to their future destiny; to inspire the mischievous belief in the minds of white people, that they can yet be effectually ‘got rid of’; and to keep law and custom unfriendly to them; so as to induce their departure to a foreign land. … “  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Oct. 7, 1861

In a letter to a colleague, Garrison is fearful that Lincoln is following pro-slavery views.   “Yet Mr. Lincoln is so infatuated as to shape his course of policy in accordance with their wishes, and is thus unwittingly helping to prolong the war, and to render the result more and more doubtful! If he is 6 feet 4 inches high, he is only a dwarf in mind.”    ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Dec. 6, 1861

“What a wishy-washy message from the President!  It is more and more evident that he is a man of very small calibre, and had better be at his old business of splitting rails than at the head of a government like ours, especially in such a crisis.  He has evidently not a drop of anti-slavery blood in his veins; and he seems incapable of uttering a humane or generous sentiment respecting the enslaved millions in our land…”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

” I am growing more and more skeptical as to the ‘honesty’ of Lincoln.  He is nothing better than a wet rag; and it is manifest that, in the appointment of Halleck, to be Secretary of War, and McClellan commander-in-chief of the army, he is as near lunacy as any one not a pronounced Bedlamite.  The satanic democracy of the North, and the traitorous ‘loyalty’ of the Border States, have almost absolute control over him, and are industriously preparing the way for the overthrow of his administration, and the inauguration of, if not a reign of terror, at least one that will make terms with Rebeldom, no matter how humiliating they may be.”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

April 6, 1863

Writing to Governor John A. Andrew, regretting that, though it has been in session since the first week of January, the State Legislature has not yet acted in support of the Emancipation Proclamation.   “What should have been done early had better be done late, than not done at all…. As the Legislature will very shortly adjourn, there is no time to be lost … Massachusetts ought to put upon the historic page her most emphatic approval of his course.”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

June 11, 1864

“… had an hour’s private interview with the President at the White House, and it was a very satisfactory one indeed.  There is no mistake about it in regard to Mr. Lincoln’s desire to do all that he can see it right and possible for him to do to uproot slavery, and give fair play to the emancipated.  I was much pleased with his spirit, and the familiar and candid way in which he unbosomed himself. …”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Feb. 13, 1865

“… God save you, and bless you abundantly!  As an instrument in his hands, you have done a mighty work for the freedom of millions who have so long pined in bondage in our land — nay, for the freedom of all mankind.  I have the utmost faith in the benevolence of your heart, the purity of your motives, and the integrity of your spirit.  This I do not hesitate to avow at all times.  I am sure you will consent to no compromise that will leave a slave in his fetters.  It is slavery that has brought this dreadful war upon us; and only through liberty will Heaven vouchsafe to our distracted and bleeding country peace. Vast and solemn are your responsibilities; and you need and deserve whatever of comfort, encouragement and suppoort can be given to you… “   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

March 20, 1866

Garrison writes in support of an effort to reduce the hours of overworked laborers. 
“The same principle which has led me to abhor and oppose the uequalled oppression of black laborers of the South, instinctively leads me to feel an interest in whatever is proposed to be done to improve the condition and abridge the toil of the white laborers of the North — or, rather, of all overtasked working classes, without regard to complexion or race — and more equitably to adjust the relations between capital and labor…. I am firm in the conviction that eight hours a day will better promote bodily health, inspire industry, develop genius, stimulate enterp;rise, augment pecuniary gain, and subserve the cause of morality, than any extesion of time beyond that limit….”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

April 13, 1866

Writing to Edwin Studwell, he reflects on events after Lincoln’s assassination of the previous year.  “What high hopes were entertained of the patriotism, loyalty, and executive trustworthiness of his successor!  Yet how have these been blasted!  Andrew Johnson might have placed his name high of the roll of the illustrious and world-renowned benefactors of the human race; but by his treacherous and evil course. his usurping and despotic policy in the interest of those who are still rebels in spirit and purpose, perfidy as their soi-disant Moses toward the liberated bondmen of the South, he seems bent on sending his name down to posterity along with those of Benedict Arnold and Judas Iscariot.  For what is the meaning of the jubilant shouts heard through Rebeldom, and vociferously responded to be the entire body of Northern Copperheads, in view of his liberty-crushing vetoes, but that he is on their side and acting in accordance with their wishes, and therefore false to his oath of office, and recreant to all that is sacred in justice and precious in liberty? Allow me, therefore, to offer you the following cold water sentiment:  The speedy impeachment and removal of Andrew Johnson from the office he dishonors and betrays!  Yours, in the execution of justice…”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

 Jan. 4, 1868

Garrison writes to Anthony “with the highest regard for the Woman’s Rights movement”,  concerned with her alignment politically.  “It seems you are looking to the Democratic party, and not to the Republican, to give success politically to your movement! I should as soon think of looking to the Great Adversary to espouse the cause of righteousness.  The Democratic party is the ‘anti-nigger’ party, and composed of all  that is vile and brutal in the land, with very little that is decent  and commendable.  Everything that has been done, politically, for the cause of impartial freedom has been done by the Republican party.  And yet your reliance is upon the former rather than upon the latter party!  This is infatuation.   Your old and outspoken friend…”¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Dec. 21, 1868

Writing to Armenia White, relative to a suffrage convention to be held at Concord, N.H., he indicates he cannot be present to speak, as he has been invited to do.  The letter then becomes a way to send  a “substitute epistolary testimony”.   He cites and responds to three often-heard objections to woman’s suffrage.  His introduction to the objections says: “..though the objections are exceedingly shallow, it is still necessary to examine and refute them by arguments and illustrations none the less forcible because exhausted at an earlier period…. one drop of water is very like another, but it is the perpetual dropping that wears away the stone.”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Jan 1, 1869

“.. The confidence of the nation in the integrity, good sense, modesty, soundness of judgment, clear discrimination, executive ability, and peaceable and just administration of General Grant is quite unlimited… I feel sure there will be no weakness or vacillation on his part during his term of office.  He will be judicious in his choice of cabinet advisers, and in his presence political corruption and partizan self-seeking will stand abashed…”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

May 8,  1869

Writing to Lucy Stone, indicating that he cannot be present for the annual meeting in New York, of the Equal Rights Association, but he sends his testimony for suffrage.  “Woman presents her claim for suffrage. Why should not her claim be granted?  There are many reasons adduced, but they are all summed up in this one grave objection; because she is — a woman!  But as that related exclusively to sex, for which no one is responsible, which it is not possible or desirable to abolish, and in which inheres neither superiority nor inferiority in the matter of natural right … the objection lies as heavily against man wielding the ballot as against woman.  They were created equal, in the same divine image; they were designed for each other — to stand side by side in all the relations and liabilities of life… and neither can be elevated or depressed at the expense of the other…”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Aug. 3, 1872

Writing to Charles Sumner:  “Though I should be strongly induced, by the friendship subsisting between us, to avoid taking a position antagonistical to your own, under ordinary circumstances, even if I deemed it erroneous, yet all personal considerations, must be subordinated to the public welfare when seriously imperiled. … you have spoken plainly … in utter condemnation of the President of the United States; and your advice to the whole body of colored voters is, that they concentrate their suffrages upon a rival candidate in the person of Horace Greeley … I propose to speak with equal plainness,  and as earnestly, to counsel my colored countrymen not to follow your lead in this matter, but, as voters, to move unitedly for the re-election of President Grant …”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Garrison writes to Abby Kelley Foster:  “Though you cannot doubt where I stand as to the position you have assumed — namely, not to pay any taxes so long as you are denied the right of suffrage — yet I wish to give a written assurance of the profound respect in which I hold your determination in this matter…”  ¹¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

March 18, 1874

“With but two exceptions in our national history — Washington and Lincoln — the death of no public man has been so universally deplored, or has elicited such tokens of public honor and appreciation, as that of Charles Sumner.  Never before has Boston presented such an impressive and august spectacle as at his obsequies, nor Massachusetts sounded through all her towns and villages such a knell of bereavement,  nor the country manifested such heartfelt expressions of grief over a common loss … By a striking coincidence, only five days before Mr. Sumner’s translation the signer of the Fugitive Slave Law, Millard Fillmore, was summoned to the bar of eternal justice.  For that most iniquitous deed he was held in abhorrence by the friends of freedom throughout the world…”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

June 5, 1874

Writing to Henry Wilson and other members of the Anti-Slavery Reunion Convention, indicating that he cannot be present, he reflects on the accomplishments of the movement, and includes these words of caution:  “… And now that liberty has been proclaimed to all the inhabitants in the land, let us beware of the siren call of ‘conciliation’ when it means humoring the old dragon spirit of slavery, and perpetuating caste distinctions by laws.  Cherishing nothing but good-will toward the South, and earnestly desiring the welfare and prosperity, we shall show ourselves to be her truest friends by refusing to compromise any of the principles of justice as pertaining to her colored population, and the gratification of a malignant prejudice based upon nothing but contempt of race…   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Dec. 8, 1874

Writing to Nathanel T. Allen,  who has written to him, Garrison expresses his view which is relevant to choices for separate schools or integrated schools.  Allen has posed this question to Garrison:  “Of course, we must expect that the colored like other people will have their own social circles; but is it not their duty to endeavor to mingle in our schools and churches with whites?  Is it not best for them and their children, on the whole?   Garrison responds:  “These questions I answer strongly in the affirmative. To this end, with the emancipation and enfranchisement of the millions once held in the Southern house of bondage, I have raised my voice and exerted what influence I could for the last forty-five years, and I am now too old and too firmly settled in conviction to take any step backward.  The case is a very plain one.  Whenever or wherever colored persons are excluded by law or usage from those rights and privileges which are enjoyed by all  other classes, — whether relating to religious worship, secular education, or anything else — the only alternative left to them is to act together ‘on the single basis of color’, it being not a case of self-exclusion, but a necessity arising from an inexorable proscription.  But when or where no such exclusion is enforced, and a disposition is shown to treat them with fairness and respect, then for them to withdraw from a common fellowship and erect complexional barriers, is to establish a precedent which logically ends in endorsing the old pro-slavery doctrine, that there should be no fraternization between the two races on account of color.”     ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Feb. 1, 1875

“The rebel whites of the South insist on ‘a white man’s Government’ for themselves, and, consequently, on caste schools; but it rightfully belongs to the Government of the United States to see that they are not to be indulged in any such anti-republicanh heresies.  They are animated by a love of dominion, the foul product of a tyrannical system that culminated as ‘the sum of all villaninies’”   ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

March 9, 1875

“Well, again has the Legislature of Massachusetts refused, by a vote of 120 to 75, to ’submit to the people’ — so fictitiously called — meaning none but male voters — an amendment of the State Constitution, abolishing the distinction of sex in the matter of suffrage … Let the list of ‘nays’ be carefully analyzed, and correctly published in the Woman’s Journal, so that these men may be everywhere seen and identified…”  ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Commenting on the removal of the troops by President Hayes. “It suffices to know that the troops were withdrawn, President Hayes being fully aware that the immediate result of his order would be the overthrow of the legally constituted authorities, and the seizure of the reins of government by as desperate a band of conspirators as can be found in the annals of human criminality…. The Southern conspirators are jubilant; their Northern Democratic allies are equally elated; and credulous, hood-winked, temporizing Republicans affect be equally delighed! ..”  ¹¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI

Feb. 15, 1879

Commenting on what he regards as “a fresh stain of caste proscription” he urges against passage of a pending act in Congress which would abrogate “our present equitable and advantageous treaty with China, and forbidding under pains and penalties any vessel from bringing to these shores”  Chinese immigrants.    ¹

¹ Letters of William Lloyd Garrison - Volumes I - VI