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Sept 8, 1831
Here Garrison asserts a view established at the beginning of his witness. “I do not justify the slaves in their rebellion: yet I do not condemn them, and applaud similar conduct in white men. I deny the right of any people to fight for liberty, and so far am a Quaker in principle. Of all men living, however, our slaves have the best reason to assert their rights by violent measures, inasmuch as they are more oppressed than others.”1
Sept 4, 1835
Writing to George W. Benson, Garrison comments on current threats to abolitionists. “…those religious persons and papers that denounce our brother George Thompson as a foreigner, are virtually rebuking every foreign missionary who has been sent from our shores to evangelize a rebellious world, and they will find, ere long, that infidelity will meet and vanquish them with their own weapons. … I am not prepared fully to decide as to the expediency of calling a National Convention, but am rather inclined to think it inexpedient. Before the feverish excitement that now reigns in the public mind will have subsided, winter will be upon us. … Perhaps we better work quietly, but industriously, until spring — but I am not sure. 1
Sept 12, 1835
In a letter to George W. Benson, Garrison summarizes some recent evidence of hatred against abolitionists. He mentions that Benson himself has been put in a Providence jail “for safe keeping from your enemies”. George Thompson is in Pittsburgh, fearful to come back to Boston. A meeting in Haverhill was broken up by a “shower of brickbats”. Thompson and Whittier have been pelted with mud and stones, in Concord. “That some of us will be assassinated or abducted, seems more than probable — but there is much apparent, without any real danger.” Garrison then quotes a note which has come to him from Angelina Grimke: “with a spirit worthy of the best days of martyrdom, she says — ‘A hope gleams across my mind, that our blood will be spilt, instead of the slaveholders: our lives will be taken, and theirs spared.’ Is this not Christ-like?” 1
Nov 7, 1835
Garrison writes to Helen, who is safely with her family in Connecticut, but he has returned to Boston. He tells of being in the Anti-Slavery office, when a “procession marched by the office, with a band of music in full blast, and followed by a squad of spectators; and what do you think they had with them? It was a large board, on which were drawn two figures, quite conspicuously — George Thompson and a black woman. Over the head of Thompson were the words, ‘The Foreign Emissary’ –and the black woman asking him, ‘When are we going to have another meeting, brother Thompson?’ It is fortunate, perhaps, that this company did not know that I was then in the Anti-Slavery office — else they might have excited another uproar … city authorities made not the slightest attempt to interfere …. Mr. Thompson will probably sail for England in the course of a fortnight — but this must be kept private…” 1
July 5, 1836
Garrison tells of his effigy erected in Fall River. “… some unknown but patriotic artist, (rejoicing in his liberty,) with considerable labor, but not much skill, made an effigy of straw, and suspended it upon a post in Main Street, to which was fastened a label containing these condemnatory words — ‘Garrison, the abolitionist; fit subject for the gallows.’ The man of straw proved better than a town crier to urge all good citizens to attend our meeting in the afternoon.. He brought many to hear and see, who else might have remained at home. I am much obliged to him, for he enabled me to put up the celestial goddess of Liberty in his stead, in the presence of the people. “ 1
Mar 4, 1837
This letter to the Editor of the Boston Courier should be read with other letters to the Courier, which follow soon after this. The content is not easily summarized, and quotations from parts of the argument which Garrison makes are subject to misrepresenting his view toward violence, when it is or is not justified. He sites instances in the history of the United States, words from national constitutional documents, words from slaveholders, quotes from slaveholding state constitutions, which justify the use of violence by the oppressed. That right is unalienable. He maintains that Abolitionists are the only party who “deny to the oppressed the right of redressing their wrongs, by a bloody process”. These letters and arguments will need to be read finally in the context of later periods in Garrison’s life. 1
Nov. 21, 1837
“The martyred Lovejoy! almost the last to come into our ranks, and the first to fall as a victim! He has perished in the cause of God and of bleeding humanity; but I am shocked and filled with sorrow to learn, that he first took life before he lost his own, and that his reliance for victory in the darkest hour of the conflict was upon powder and ball..” 1
May 19, 1838
“The meeting broke up about 10 o’clock, and we all got safely home. The next day, the street was thronged with profane ruffians and curious spectators — the women, however, holding their meetings in the hall all day, till towards evening. It was given out by the mob, that the hall would be burnt to the ground that night. … that night the mob “had increased to several thousands, and soon got into the hall by dashing open the doors with their axes. They then set fire to this huge building, and in the course of an hour it was a solid mass of flames. The bells of the city were rung, and several engines rallied, but no water was permitted to be thrown upon the building …”Awful as is this occurrence in Philadelphia, it will do incalculable good to our cause; for the wrath of man worketh out the righteousness of God….” 1
May 25, 1838
Marlboro Chapel has just been completed; it “is an object of pro-slavery malevolence.” Garrison writes that ” threats have been given out that the Chapel should share the fate of the Hall. Last evening was the time for its dedication; and so threatening was the aspect of things, four companies of light infantry were ordered to be in readiness… During the day, placards were posted at the corners of streets, denouncing the abolitionists, and calling upon the citizens to rally at the Chapel in the evening, in order to put them down. An immense concourse of people assembled, a large proportion doubtless from motives of curiosity, and not a few of them with evil designs; but, owing to the strong military preparations, the multitude refrained entirely from any overt acts of violence…” 1
Feb. 10, 1840
“I will not stop to say what I think of the barbarism and tyranny of Connecticut, in trampling upon the rights of conscience, and consigning to prison such of her citizens as believe that they are forbidden by the gospel to do military duty. After ages will look upon this matter with astonishment. It is the opprobrium of the nineteenth century.” 1
May 15, 1840
Telling Helen of the election of Abby Kelley to the Business Committee of the AASS, and the subsequent creation of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, Garrison says: “The spirit of mobocracy has been roused, in consequence of so many of the ‘Garrison Party’ having come from Massachusetts; and our delegation have been driven out of the halls we had engaged, and had to go from pillar to post to find a place where to lay their heads. … What particularly excited these ‘lewd fellows of the baser sort’ was, the mixing of our white and colored friends on terms of equality…. it has not amounted to anything like a popular tumult.” 1
Aug. 9, 1847
Garrison writes to Helen, from Harrisburg, where he and Douglass spoke at the Court House. “I first addressed the meeting, and was listened to, not only without molestation, but with marked attention and respect … as Douglass rose to speak, the spirit of rowdyism began to show itself outside of the building, around the door and windows. It was the first time that a ‘nigger’ had attempted to address the people in Harrisburg in public, and it was regarded by the mob as an act of unparalleled audacity. They knew nothing at all of Douglass, except that he was a nigger. They came equipped with rotten eggs and brickbats, fire-crackers and other missiles, and made use of them somewhat freely — breaking panes of glass, and soiling the clothes of some who were struck by the eggs. …I was enabled to obtain a silent hearing for a few moments, when I told the meeting that if this was a specimen of Harrisburg decorum and love of liberty, instead of wasting our breath upon the place, we should turn our back upon it, shaking off the dust of our feet — &c. &c 1
Aug. 7, 1863
Garrison writes to a friend relative to his sons intentions, the war and the draft. “I have three sons of the requisite age — George,William and Wendell. Wendell is in principle opposed to all fighting with carnal weapons. So is William. In any case they will not go to the tented field but will abide the consequences. George is inclined to think he shall go, if drafted, as he does not claim to be a non-resistant. … I do not object to my children suffering any hardships, or running any risks, in the cause of liberty and the support of great principles, if duty requires it, but I wish them to know themselves, to act from the highest and noblest motives, and to be true to their conscientious convictions.” 1
June 11, 1863
“Though I could have wished that you had been able understandingly and truly to adopt those principles of peace which are so sacred and divine to my own soul, yet you will bear witness that I have not laid a straw in your way to prevent your acting up to your own highest convictions of duty; for nothing would be gained, but much lost, to have you violate these. Still, I tenderly hope that you will once more seriously review the whole matter before making the irrevocable decision. … Personally, as my son, you will incur some risks at the hands of the rebels that others will not, if it is known that you are my son… “ 1
August 6, 1863
“… I have nothing but praise to give you that you have been faithful to your highest convictions, and taking your life in your hands, are willing to lay it down, even like the brave Col. Shaw and his associates, if need be, in the cause of freedom, and for the suppression of slavery and the rebellion. True, I could have wished you could ascend to what I believe a higher plane of moral heroism and a nobler method of self-sacrifice; but as you are true to yourself, I am glad of your fidelity, and proud of your willingness to run any risk in a cause that is undeniably just and good. I have no fear that you will be found wanting at any time in the trial-hour, or in the discharge of your official duties…”1